The Decision in Favor of Operation Neptune Spear: Presidential Leadership and Political Risk

Hillary Clinton, Joe Biden, Barack Obama, Robert Gates seated around a coffee table with confidential, obscured government documents.

In this May 1, 2011, image released by the White House and digitally altered by the source to obscure the details of a document in front of Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, right with hand covering mouth, President Barack Obama, second from left, Vice President Joe Biden, left, Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, right, and members of the national security team watch an update of the mission against Osama bin Laden in the White House Situation Room in Washington. As the world now knows well Obama ultimately decided to launch the raid on the Abbottabad compound that killed bin Laden, though faced with a level of widespread skepticism from a veteran intelligence analyst, shared with other top-level officials, which nearly scuttled the raid. That process reflected a sea change within the U.S. spy community, one that embraces debate to avoid “slam-dunk” intelligence in tough national security decisions. Source: White House Press.

Journal of Political Risk, Vol. 2, No. 7, July 2014.

Lauren Hickok
Fellow

I. Introduction

On May 1, 2011, President Obama declared: “Tonight I can report to the American people and the world that the United States has conducted an operation that killed Osama bin Laden, the leader of al Qaeda, and a terrorist who’s responsible for the murder of thousands of innocent men, women, and children.”[1] The president had made a bold choice in authorizing Operation Neptune Spear.  His decision rested on an appraisal of several factors, which together determined the level of political risk associated with the mission: (1) the accuracy of the intelligence; (2) the ability of SEAL Team Six to succeed despite unexpected challenges; and (3) the costs to US national security, relative to the benefits. The president remained committed to countering al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan, involved himself in the planning for Neptune Spear, and took on considerable risk in order to succeed. In final review, the president’s decision was not easy, or even prudent—but it succeeded.

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Russian Tank Probe in Ukraine Confirmed with US Official

Journal of Political Risk, Vol. 2, No. 6, June 2014.
Anders Corr, Ph.D.
Publisher of the Journal of Political Risk
T-72 Tank reportedly destroyed by Ukrainian forces in Snizhne, Ukraine, June 12, 2014. Source: Twitter.

T-72 Tank reportedly destroyed by Ukrainian forces in Snizhne, Ukraine, June 12, 2014. Source: Twitter.

The Ukrainian Interior Minister, Arsen Avakov, accused Russia of allowing three tanks on June 12 to cross  from Russia to Ukraine at a rebel-controlled border crossing. The Journal of Political Risk confirmed a tank movement from Russia to Ukraine with a US official who wishes to remain anonymous.

The small tank column is likely a probe to assess the potential reaction of Ukraine and the West to a larger tank invasion that may be under consideration by the Russians. This comes after Russian troops pulsed the border on April 24 in an “exercise” that also served the military intelligence function of testing Ukrainian tactical reaction.
The Russian tank probe in Ukraine comes at a time when President Obama is showing less military restraint than a few months ago. In June he ordered resumption of drone attacks in Pakistan, and he has not removed the possibility of US air strikes in Iraq against Al Qaeda terrorists making territorial gains on the outskirts of Baghdad. With sagging approval ratings in part due to a public perception of weakness in international affairs, President Obama is likely to react to the Russian tank probe with greater rigor, including increased economic sanctions against Russia, and troop build-ups in Eastern Europe. This would put significant downward pressure on the Ruble and MICEX index of Russian stocks.
JPR Status: Report.

Serbia’s EU bid and the Kosovo dialogue

Journal of Political Risk, Vol. 2, No. 4, April 2014.

26th MEU Marines are photographed providing security at mass gravesite in Northern Kosovo as members of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police Forensics Team investigate remains.

26th MEU Marines provide security at mass gravesite in Northern Kosovo as members of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police Forensics Team investigate remains. The Marines and sailors of the 26th Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU) are helping to enforce the implementation of the military technical agreement and to provide peace and stability to Kosovo during Operation JOINT GUARDIAN. Source: NARA & DVIDS Public Domain Archive.

Raquel Montes Torralba
Foreign Affairs Analyst

With Serbia seeking to join the European Union (EU), as did Croatia in July 2013, European officials have advanced a pre-condition to be resolution of major disputes with Kosovo. In April 2014, Serbia and Kosovo celebrate the first anniversary of an agreement meant to normalize relations. Positive developments include the March 2014 election of a pro-EU majority in Serbia’s parliament, local elections in North Kosovo held in a generally peaceful manner, as well as progress on technical issues such as border control and police transfer. Nevertheless, the political context for 2014 could be derailed by upcoming general elections in Kosovo, the creation of a Kosovo Army, and establishment of a war crimes court for Kosovo’s ethnic Albanian rebels. More particularly, all these factors could impact the creation of a Community of Serb Municipalities, the keystone of the Serbia-Kosovo Agreement. Continue reading

Financial Inclusion, Mobile Banking, and Remittances in Mexico and the Philippines

Journal of Political Risk, Vol. 2, No. 1, January 2014.

María Elena Labastida Tovar, Ph.D.
Universidad Anáhuac México Norte

Almendra Ortiz de Zárate, MsC.
Universidad Anáhuac México Norte

Lilianne Isabel Pavón, Ph.D.
Universidad Anáhuac México Norte

Priscilla A. Tacujan, Ph.D.
Corr Analytics, Inc.

Abstract

Figure 1 is a bar graph titled "Annual Economic Growth in Mexico, from 2005 to 2012 (in percentages)"

Figure 1. Annual Economic Growth in Mexico, from 2005 to 2012 (in percentages). Data Source: National Institute of Statistics, Geography and Informatics (INEGI), accessed July 2, 2013, http://www3.inegi.org.mx/sistemas/mexicocifras/.

Remittance senders evaluate the costs and benefits of money transfer services. Two conditions are of paramount interest: low costs and accessibility of use for the sender and receiver. The use of mobile phones (a ubiquitous technology) for sending money, paying for services, and banking is increasingly seen not only as the best option for remittances, but the only one that can fulfill the two conditions above. Due to its ubiquitous nature, access to financial services through mobile phones is growing exponentially, expanding access to more consumers, and readily available to decrease the costs of transferring money globally. This study addresses the use of this ubiquitous technology in two emerging markets: Mexico and the Philippines. It evaluates the impact of the regulatory framework on mobile financial services to provide consumers with greater access to financial services. Continue reading

Election Boycott will Weaken Thailand’s Democrat Party and the PDRC

Journal of Political Risk, Vol. 1, No. 8, December 2013.

Anti-government protesters photographed attending a rally outside Government House on December 9, 2013 in Bangkok, Thailand. Photo credit: Sira Anamwong.

Anti-government protesters attend a rally outside Government House on December 9, 2013 in Bangkok, Thailand. Photo credit: Sira Anamwong.

Anders Corr, Ph.D.
Publisher of the Journal of Political Risk

Thailand’s opposition Democrat Party, as well as the supporting People’s Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) protest movement, will weaken due to strategic missteps of boycotting elections and attempting to block other parties from registering with Thailand’s electoral commission. It should be obvious that elections and elected position are a potent source of influence for both political parties and social movements. Boycotting elections invariably backfires as a strategy because it increases distance between the challenger who wields the strategy, and the electoral source of influence. Election boycotts led to landslide victories for incumbents in Trinidad and Tobago (1971), Jamaica (1983), Burkina Faso (1991), Ghana (1992), Togo (1993), Ethiopia (1994), Mali (1997), Algeria (1999), Gambia (2002), Guinea(2003), Azerbaijan (2003), Iraq (2005) and Venezuela (2005). The incumbent also won the boycotted 3 April 2006 elections in Thailand. These were later invalidated and followed by a coup, resulting in the instability that continues in Thailand today. As in prior boycotts, expect the incumbent political party, in this case Prime Minister Shinawatra’s Pheu Thai, to take advantage of the challenger’s absence to consolidate the Pheu Thai’s parliamentary majority and public image. Expect increased dissatisfaction among the opposition and military, and resulting political instability.1 Continue reading